THE

ANASAZI

FROM THE NAVAJO WORD FOR "THOSE WHO HAVE VANISHED," OR "ANCIENT ENEMY"

Anasazi Chronology

The Anasazi culture is believed to have gradually evolved out of a nonagricultural base of the ancient Desert culture, once widespread in western North America, though precise evidence of the transition has yet to be discovered.
A PUEBLO VILLAGE by Dennis Holloway
PUEBLO V RUINS
It may have been in part derived from the Mogollon culture, an older tradition of settled agriculturalists and ceramics producers who flourished from c.100 b.c. to a.d. 1400 in the mountain areas of east central Arizona and west central New Mexico. There is much evidence of trade and cultural interchange between the Mogollon and the Anasazi.

The Anasazi Periods

Archaic 6500 - 1200 B.C. The pre-Anasazi culture that moved into the Southwest after the big game hunters departed are called Archaic. There is little evidence of warfare. The people subsisted on wild foods. Hunters used stone-tipped spears and knives, atlatl and dart or spear, and hunted deer, bighorn sheep and antelope. They moved regularly and gathered wild plants in season.
Basketmaker II (early) 1200 B.C. - A.D. 50 These early Anasazi camped in the open or lived in caves seasonally. During this period they increasingly relied on cultivated gardens of corn and squash, but no beans. They made baskets, but had no pottery.
Basketmaker II (late) A.D. 50 - 500 Construction during this period was shallow pithouses, storage bins or cists. Still no beans or pottery.
Basketmaker III A.D. 500 - 750 Deep pithouses were developed, along with some above- ground rooms, surface storage pits and cists. The bow and arrow replaces the atlatl and spear. Plain gray and some black-on-white pottery is made. Cultivation of beans begins.
Pueblo I A.D. 750 - 900 Large villages and great kivas appear. Deep pithouses still in use. Above-ground construction is generally of jacal or crude masonry. Plain pottery and gray with neck bands predominate; there is some black-on-white and decorated redware.
Pueblo II A.D. 900 - 1150 There are Great Houses, great kivas and roads in some areas. Small blocks of above-ground masonry rooms and a kiva make up a typical pueblo. Pottery consists of corrugated gray and decorated black-on-white in addition to some decorated red and orange vessels.
Pueblo III 1150 - 1350 Large pueblos, cliff dwellings and towers are the rule. Pottery includes corrugated gray, elaborate black-on-white, red and orange. Most of the traditional Anasazi villages in the Four Corners Area are abandoned by 1300.
Pueblo IV A.D. 1350 - 1600 Typically, large pueblos are oriented on a central plaza. The Kachina phenomenon continues. Plain pottery supplants corrugated. Red, orange and yellow pottery on the rise as black-on-white declines.
Pueblo V A.D 1600 - present During the first part of this era the Spanish military, church and civil domination and rule of the pueblos drives the Pueblo religion underground. The number of Pueblos shrinks from the more than 100 observed in 1539 to 20. However, the resilient and resourceful Pueblo still live and maintain their thousands-of-years-old culture.
BASKETMAKERS; ROOT OF THE ANASAZI
BASKETMAKERS WERE, WELL, BASKETMAKERS!
The Basket Makers had begun by this time to cultivate squash and a type of maize. They lived in simple shelters of perishable materials or in shallow caves or rock shelters. At least some of them made more substantial houses of logs and mud over saucer-shaped depressions. To supplement their meager harvests of farm crops, they roamed over the country periodically on hunting and gathering expeditions. During their absence, treasured articles and reserve supplies of food were cached in storage pits or cists, excavated in the dry floors of caves.
LOTS OF WEAVING GOING ON AMONG THE BASKETMAKERS.
The cists were used not only for storage, but also as sepulchers, in which the dead were buried with accompanying mortuary offerings. In some of the cists the unintentionally mummified bodies of Basket Makers have been found, with hair and dehydrated flesh adhering to the bones.
During Basket Maker III (a.d. 400-700) the Basket Makers expanded their territory and introduced several new and important cultural items, including pit houses, erected over shallow excavations, and pottery. With the addition of beans and new varieties of maize, agriculture became more important to Basket Maker subsistence. The greater reliance on farming made it possible for the Basket Makers to begin a sedentary mode of life in villages. Toward the end of the period the spear was replaced by the bow and arrow.
BASKETMAKER SANDALS, FOR SOME REASON THESE BRING THE ANCIENT PEOPLE TO LIFE.
THIS IS A GOOD PLACE TO DISCUSS THE APPEARANCE AND IMPORTANCE OF THE DOMESTIC DOG IN PREHISTORIC CULTURES.
Native American Dog Myth------

The earth trembled and a great rift appeared, separating the first man and woman from the rest of the animal kingdom. As the chasm grew deeper and wider, all other creatures, afraid for Their lives, returned to the forest - except for the dog, who after much consideration, leapt the perilous rift to stay with the humans on the other side. His love for humanity was greater than his bond for other creatures, he explained, and he willingly Forfeited his place in paradise to prove it.

These early canids that lived on the fringes of human society scavenging scraps may be the ancestor of early dog breeds. These animals, which were already tame around humans, could be taken and used as hunting companions, or livestock guardians and different dog types likely evolved from these proto-dogs, not wolves. Artificial selection by humans also further shaped the evolution of the dog, as dogs with traits desired by humans would have been better cared for than others, and would have been more likely to survive and breed. The remains of domestic dogs have been found in many archaeological sites in Arizona. No evidence suggest that these dogs were killed or used for food. Rather, many of these domesticated dogs were given the same funerary rights as their owners.
WOLF, ANCESTOR TO PREHISTORIC DOMESTIC DOG
TODAY'S INDIAN DOG BREED IS NO DIFFERENT THAN THOSE IN PREHISTORIC TIMES
The dog, then, may be a species that was the result of natural selection. A new "niche" was opened for animals about 10,000 years ago as some groups of humans began to settle into permanent settlements instead of living as nomads. Animals could live around these settlements and scavenge for food bits left around by people. Dogs may have "self-domesticated" when they started scavenging waste from the human settlements that began to appear at this time. For any animal to succeed in such a niche, it would have to be comfortable living and eating in close proximity to humans, as an animal that feared them would not be able to survive in human settlements and would return to living away from people. Wild dogs that were less cautious around people than others may have began to live near humans, and natural selection would gradually produce "proto-dogs" from these animals that did not fear humans and could live in close proximity to them. Indeed, today in several parts of the world dogs do live like this. Many villages across the world are home to dogs that live as scavengers and who are not intentionally cared for by humans. The first primitive dogs were likely very similar to these scavenging village dogs.
MUMMIES OF INDIAN DOGS HAVE BEEN FOUND IN BASKET MAKER CAVES. MUMMIES, SIMILAR TO THIS ONE, TELL US THAT THE DOMESTICATED DOG WAS IMPORTANT TO THE ANCIENT PEOPLE OF ARIZONA.

PUEBLOS

The Anasazi built the numerous communal dwellings, or pueblos, many now in ruins, on the high plateau of the southwestern United States. The oldest remains are in the Four Corners region, where Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico, and Utah adjoin. At the time of its greatest extent, the Anasazi culture was spread over most of New Mexico, northern Arizona, southwestern Colorado, and much of Utah. This is a region comparable in size to modern France, but great uninhabited stretches lay between the villages, which were located where water was available.
RUINS IN PUEBLO CANYON
The climax of Pueblo development was reached during the Pueblo III period (1100-1300). Anasazi achievements in art and architecture were then at their height. The finest styles of black-on-white and corrugated pottery date from Pueblo III, and polychrome wares appeared with black-and-white designs on orange or red backgrounds. During this period were constructed the spectacular cliff dwellings at Mesa Verde in southwest Colorado, huge apartment houses of stone and adobe masonry built on ledges in the cliffs. 

Despite the cultural culmination achieved during Pueblo III (and during Pueblo IV to a more limited extent), the ultimate decline of the Anasazi was forecast. Toward the end of the period, and continuing into Pueblo IV (1300-1600), there was marked contraction of Pueblo territory, with a gradual abandonment of the outlying areas. This may have been due in part to raids by marauding nomads, in part to factional quarrels among the Pueblo, and in part to a prolonged drought from 1276 to 1299 that caused famine. The people were obliged to migrate to places with a better water supply to the south and east, particularly to the drainage area of the Rio Grande in New Mexico, to the Hopi country in northeastern Arizona, and to the Zuni country of western New Mexico. Pueblo V (c.1600 on) marks the start of the historic period, which dates from the time of the arrival of the first Spanish colonists in the Southwest. The Hopi, Zuni, and Rio Grande Pueblo peoples of today are the direct descendants of the prehistoric Anasazi, although the Zuni have merged with the Mogollon descendants.

DID CANNIBALISM
KILL ANASAZI CIVILIZATION?
 

The mainstream theory is that in the Anasazi abandoned their region because of resource depletion (especially their critical need for wood for construction, heating and food preparation, an extended drought. Now there is strong evidence that, at lest in part, this exodus had a darker side.

IN SOME ANASAZI SITES HUMAN BONES ARE FOUND CHOPPED-UP IN WAYS INDICATING CANNIBALISM WAS ROUTINELY PRACTICED. HUMAN BONES, SUCH AS IN THE CENTER OF THE PHOTO ABOVE, WERE BUTCHERED AND THROWN AWAY WITH THE TRASH.
At sites dating between about A.D. 900 and 1250, spread across the Four Corners region of the Southwest, there are more than thirty archaeological sites in which evidence clearly shows the brutalization human remains. Researcher and writer Jacquline Turner, and others, paint a picture in which humans were systematically butchered and eaten, their remains tossed casually aside.
In Chaco Canyon, One of the largest Anasazi ?cities,? suggesting that groups of people were killed and butchered, the meat carefully cut away at the tendons and roasted. Long bones halved and boiled to extract the marrow. Skulls, their tops removed like lids, were placed on hearths and cooked to remove their brains.
Archaeologists and physical anthropologists have long puzzled over the meaning of these finds, or chose to ignore them. Now, at least one chilling explanation has come to light, that cannibalism and violence was the rule rather than the exception among some the Anasazi. Turner coined this human (cadaver) resource ?Man Corn,? that is eating of the dead. The very whisper of "Man Corn has managed to anger Native Americans, rile scientists, and horrify New Anger.? Questions about Anasazi cannabalism despit overwhelming evidence that it did take place. Was it a cult practice or was it generally an accepted practice in time of hardship? Did Pre-Columbian groups, such as the Toltecs, entering the Southwest (we know they were here!) from Meso America bring the practice with them? Much still needs to be learned.
MODERN EXAMPLE OF WHAT A PUEBLOAN CONTEMPORY HUMAN BONE HASH, WHAT REMAINED AFTER CANNABALISM OCCURRED.
These discoveries have served debunks the traditional the concept of the Anasazi as peaceful agriculturists, whose modern-day descendants are the highly spiritual Hopi, Zuni and Pueblo peoplest appears that, all said and done, the Anasazi fled the oppressive ?Man Corn? cultists, and sought haven deep in remote canyons or constructed elaborate dwellings adhered to the sheer sides of cliffs taking up these defensive positions against an evil and powerful members of their society.
In my years as a scientist at the Arizona-Sonora Desert Museum in Tucson, and other museums, I came to the understanding that many museums' policies are often governed by a need to adhere to the dissemination to the public of information that is at its core politically correct. But administrations change, and hopefully public institutions can unburden themselves of half-truths that must "fit," catering to a small minority of vocal patrons. I happen to love museums, despite this, but like all visitors, reading between the lines is sometimes necessary.

BOW AND ARROW VS ATL ATL

The bow and arrow was a relatively new weapon system in Arizona a thousand years ago and was in use during a time when the Atl Atl was still a common weapon. (Atl Atl's were still being used into historic times) It had come into use only a few centuries earlier, around A.D. 700, perhaps brought into the region by new migrants, or more likely, simply adopted by the indigenous population.
The bow and arrow was spreading across much of North America around this time, replacing the older atlatl and dart as the principal weapon for hunting large game and for warfare. While some aboriginal groups continued to use both weapon technologies, archeological evidence in central Texas seems to point to a rapid and complete replacement of the atlatl and dart by the bow and arrow.
The atlatl (or spear thrower) is a short stick, two feet or so in length with a small prong or hook at one end, which was used to throw a light spear or dart. Although simple in design, it is an extremely effective weapon, allowing the user to throw a spear much farther—the length of a football field—than he could without it and with the force necessary to bring down large game . The atlatl is a very ancient weapon—no one really knows how old, but it was in use in the Old World at least 20,000 years ago—and there is a strong likelihood that the earliest people to enter the New World were equipped with it.
ATL ATL SPEAR THROWER
On the other hand, the bow and arrow came into use relatively late in the Americas. This weaponry was known to the Late Paleolithic people of Europe over 10,000 years ago, but it appears that the native peoples of the New World only took it up during the last two thousand years. Perhaps the bow and arrow was independently invented somewhere in North America, or, more likely, the technology spread or diffused from the Old World. Unfortunately, archeological evidence documenting the spread of the bow and arrow and the atlatl and dart is largely lacking due to the fact that these weapons were made primarily of wood and other perishable materials.

The history and diffusion of these technologies is traced almost entirely by the stone points used to tip the arrows and darts, artifacts that survive to become part of the archeological record. The larger, heavier dart points were shaped to a large degree by percussion flaking, while the lighter, thin arrow points were mostly pressure flaked. Because they are so small and light, stone arrow points are often called "bird points" by collectors but, in fact, they were used to hunt the same kind of animals as the larger points hafted to darts—deer, antelope, even bison. Only under extraordinary conditions have prehistoric artifacts made from perishable materials survived to the present day in the relatively humid climate of central Texas.

No prehistoric bows are known to have been found in this region, but in a rockshelter near Waco, several fragments of prehistoric arrows were recovered during excavations in the early 1960s. They date to a slightly more recent time than the Austin phase but perhaps offer an indication of the kinds of arrows used by the hunters of the Graham-Applegate rancheria. The main shafts of the arrows were made from cane, and because of their delicacy (and to add forward weight), the front of the shaft was fitted with a short foreshaft of hard wood, the tip of which was notched for the stone arrow point. Virtually all prehistoric arrows that have been found in the United States (mostly in dry caves and rockshelters of the arid Southwest) are made of cane and therefore are extremely light compared to most modern arrows. This explains why such light-weight stone points were attached to them.
PREHISTORIC PETROGLYPH SHOWING BOW AND ARROW

NAVAJO AND APACHE

Scholars still debate when the Navajo entered the Southwest. Some argue that by the fourteenth century, the Dine, or the People, were migrating into the Four Corners region as the Anasazi departed. Navajo lore is replete with stories of interaction between the two native groups. Most anthropologists agree that by the end of the 1500s the Dine were spread throughout northern New Mexico, a portion of southern Utah, and part of northern Arizona. They also concur that the Navajos migrated from northern Canada with other Apachean peoples, who are linguistically related to Athapaskan speakers. Studies suggest the separation between northern groups and those migrating south occurred around A.D. 1000, and that the division between Apaches and Navajos happened about three to four hundred years ago. However, these are only rough estimates and often vary widely.
NAVAJO RESERVATION TODAY
Navajo beliefs reject these ideas, saying that there is no evidence in their oral tradition of this movement. Instead, their religion teaches that they traveled through three or four worlds beneath this one and emerged into this sphere in the La Plata mountains of southwestern Colorado or the Navajo Dam area of northwestern New Mexico. The gods created the four sacred mountains--Blanca Peak and Hesperus Peak in Colorado, Mount Taylor in New Mexico, and the San Francisco Peaks in Arizona--preparing them as supernatural boundaries within which all was safe and protected. In addition, the gods also established four rivers, one of which was the San Juan, to serve as defensive guardians. This river played an important role in some of the Navajo chantway myths and functioned as a clear line of demarcation between Navajo and Ute territories.
NAVAJO CREATION STORY IN SAND PAINTING
Navajo economy from the 1600s to the first third of the 1900s depended on two primary sources--agriculture learned from the pueblo peoples and livestock such as sheep, goats, and horses obtained initially from the Spaniards. Because the San Juan River was one of the few reliable sources of water in Navajo territory, during the summer months many Dine planted fields of corn, beans, and squash on its floodplains or tributaries and pastured their sheep in the mountains. Winter camps were usually at lower elevations where wood, water, and protection from cold winds were available. Hunting and gathering occurred in a variety of ecological zones according to the location of the foodstuffs being sought.
NAVAJO HOGAN TODAY. WAS THE ORIGIN A PIT HOUSE?
Spaniards and Mexicans occasionally pursued Navajos into the northern part of their territory, but it was not until the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo at the end of the Mexican War in 1848 that Anglo-Americans were prompted to take action against Navajo raiders. The Mormon colonies of southwestern Utah and the settlers of New Mexico and Arizona reacted against the Navajo by sending military expeditions to halt the threat. Kit Carson and Ute Indian Agent Alfred Pfeiffer encouraged the antagonism already felt by the Utes against their Navajo neighbors. Although the military launched a number of campaigns, it was the continuous pressure of Native American and New Mexican allies that finally caused the massive surrender of an estimated two-thirds of the Navajo population, 8,000 of whom went on the Long Walk before finally being incarcerated at Fort Sumner, New Mexico.
NAVAJO PETROGYLPHS DEPICTING NAVAJO DEFEAT BY SPANIARDS
APACHE
Apache
(probably from ápachu, 'enemy,' the Zuñi name for the Navaho, who were designated "Apaches de Nabaju" by the early Spaniards in New Mexico). A number of tribes forming the most southerly group of the Athapascan family. The name has been applied also to some unrelated Yuman tribes, as the Apache Mohave (Yavapai) and Apache Yuma. The Apache call themselves N'de, Dinë, Tinde, or Inde, `people.' 
GERONOMO, THE MOST FAMOUS APACHE IN HISTORY
NOTE: CHIEF GERONOMO WAS A FIERCE WARRIOR, AND FOUGHT THE SPANISH WITH A VENGEANCE. HIS BLOOD LUST WAS JUSTIFIED. In 1858, Geronimo returned home to find his family had been killed by Spanish troops. The incident changed Geronimo's life. From that time on, he hated all whites, the Mexicans in particular. Geronimo wanted revenge. In 1859, he took a band of Apache warriors and made his way into Mexico. The battle between the Apache and Mexicans continued for two hours. When Geronimo and his warriors rode away, the Spanish troops were all dead.
The Navajo were evidently not so numerous about the beginning of the 17th century as in recent times, their numbers apparently having been increased by captives from other tribes, particularly the Pueblos, Pima, Papago, and other peaceful Indians, as well as from the settlements of northern Mexico that were gradually established within the territory raided by them, although recent measurements by Hrdlicka seem to indicate unusual freedom from foreign admixture. They were first mentioned as Apaches by Oñate in 1598, although Coronado, in 1541, met the Querechos (the Vaqueros of Benavides, and probably the Jicarillas and Mescaleros of modern times) on the plains of east New Mexico and west Texas: but there is no evidence that the Apache reached so far west as Arizona until after the middle of the 16th Century. From the time of the Spanish colonization of New Mexico until within twenty years they have been noted for their warlike disposition, raiding white and Indian settlements alike, extending their depredations as far southward as Jalisco, Mexico.
WHERE ARE ALL THE APACHE ARTIFACTS?

THINK ABOUT IT. THE HISTORY OF THE APACHE IN ARIZONA IS NOT MUCH MORE THAN 300 YEARS OLD. NOT A LOT OF TIME FOR A LARGE NUMBER OF ARTIFACTS TO BE PRODUCED AND DEPOSITED IN THE EARTH. REMEMBER ALSO THAT THE APACHE WERE PRIMARILY NOMADIC, LEAVING SPARSE EVIDENCE OF ENCAMPMENTS OR PERMANENT STRUCTURES, AND THESE NOMADS LIKELY BURIED THEIR DEAD IN CREVICES OR LIKE THE PLAINS INDIANS, IN ABOVE GROUND BURIALS THAT WERE INTENDED TO BE RAVAGED BY TIME AND THE ELEMENTS. MOST APACHE ARTIFACTS TODAY ARE FROM THE RELATIVELY RECENT TIME WHEN THEY HAD ASSOCIATION WITH EUROPEANS; METAL BECAME AVAILABLE, AND MANY FIND ARTIFACTS CLASSIFIED AS PERISHABLE SUCH AS BASKETS, CLOTHING AND ART WERE COLLECTED IN GREAT NUMBERS BY SOLDIERS AND BY MUCH OF THE REST OF THE EUROPEAN AND AMERICAN WORLD WHICH WAS IN AWE OF THE AMERICAN INDIAN.

JUST HOW OLD?

THE ROLE OF CARBON
IN PROVIDING ANSWERS TO THIS
BIG QUESTION.

 CARBON 14 ATOM
All plants and animals on Earth are made principally of carbon. During the period of a plant's life, the plant is taking in carbon dioxide through photosynthesis, which is how the plant makes energy and grows. Animals eat plants, and some eat other animals in the food chain. Carbon follows this pathway through the food chain on Earth so that all living things are using carbon, building their bodies until they die.

A tiny part of the carbon on the Earth is called Carbon-14 (C14), or radiocarbon. It is called 'radio'-carbon, because it is 'radioactive'. This means that its atomic structure is not stable and there is an uneasy relationship between the particles in the nucleus of the atom itself. Eventually, a particle is emitted from the carbon 14 atom, and carbon 14 disappears. Most of the carbon on Earth exists in a slightly different atomic form, although it is chemically speaking, identical to all carbon.

In the 1940s, scientists succeeded in finding out how long it takes for radiocarbon to disappear, or decay, from a sample of carbon from a dead plant or animal. Willard Libby, the principal scientist, had worked in the team making the nuclear bomb during World War 2, so he was an expert in nuclear and atomic chemistry. After the war he became very interested in peaceful applications of atomic science. He and two students first measured the "half-life" of radiocarbon. The half-life refers to the amount of time it takes for half the radiocarbon in a sample of bone or shell or any carbon sample to disappear. Libby found that it took 5568 years for half the radiocarbon to decay. After twice that time (about 11000 years), another half of that remaining amount will have disappeared. After another 5568 years, again another half will have disappeared. You can work out that after about 50 000 years of time, all the radiocarbon will have gone. Therefore, radiocarbon dating is not able to date anything older than 60 or 70 000 years old. The job of a radiocarbon laboratory is to measure the remaining amounts of radiocarbon in a carbon sample. This is very difficult and requires a lot of careful work to produce reliable dates.

  THE SHEEP SHALL INHERIT THE EARTH

Carbon 14 dating has revolutionized archaeology by providing a method for dating events and allowing the comparison of events where previously their relative ages could only be indirectly inferred. However, it should be used with caution. Hopefully, even with its limitations, it will help us better understand the relation of our sites to the broader context of archaeology. As comical as it may sound, creationists are forced by their preachers to believe that the earth is no older than 6,000 years. Because fundamentalist church members sheepishly repeat what they hear from the pulpit, their is no end follow this idiocy, these radiometric dating, proven time again as an accurate indisputable scientific method, Unfortunately, to the average layperson who struggled through high-school science, they might very well be. creationist idiocy is running amuck in pubic schools.
RELIGIOUS FUNDAMENTALISM RUNS AMUCK!
PLACES TO VISIT

ARCHAEOLOGICAL PARKS AND SITES

When prehistoric cultures mysteriously disappeared from the Southwest in the mid 1400's they left behind numerous archaeological sites and ruins that can still be seen today. Some of these sites are considered to be among the best preserved ruins in North America.

Various information comes from brochures on these archaeological parks and sites, and give a description of the ruins themselves, as well as information on how to reach these sites, hours of operation, and were to call for additional information.

TONTO
NATIONAL
MONUMENT

Inhabiting the Tonto Basin for a relatively short period between A.D. 1150 and around A.D. 1450 were the Salado. The Tonto Basin and Globe, Miami, Superior, and San Carlos areas have traditionally been considered the Salado heartland. The Salado Indians occupied these areas for three centuries, they made their living from what nature provided in their mountainous terrain.

Tonto National Monument is unique due to the fact that it offers visitors a chance to visit two cliff dwellings located about 350 feet from one another.

The Ruins: The two-storey ruin originally had 19 rooms; these are quite well-preserved and it is permitted to walk around the inside. Originally, the only access was by ladder leading to an entrance at the far left of the structure, which made the settlement easy to defend. The second (Upper) ruin is larger, with 40 rooms, but further away and visitors must be accompanied by a ranger - conducted tours need to be booked in advance.

From Phoenix, take State Highway 60 (Superstition Freeway) east to Globe/Miami (75 miles); turn left (northwest) on State Highway 188 and drive 25 miles to Tonto National Monument. Visitor Information (928) 467-2241

CANYON DE CHELLY NATIONAL MONUMENT
(pronounced "duh-shay")

 White House, Antelope House, Standing Cow, Mummy Cave Access: No entrance fee. White House trail is 2.5 miles . All other excursions into the canyons must be accompanied by an authorized Navajo guide (hikes, 4-wheel vehicle, or horseback tours). Tours (complete with 4/6-wheel vehicles and Navajo guide) are also available through Thunderbird Lodge (928-674-5841).

Visitor's Center open 8am-5pm (Oct.-Apr.), 8am-6pm (May-Sept.). Contact Superintendent, Canyon de Chelly N.M., P.O. Box 588, Chinle, AZ 86503. (928) 674-5500.

CASA MALPAIS
{Mogollon}

Principal Ruins: 50-room pueblo, a great kiva, several small residential compounds, a large wall, prehistoric trails, rock art panels, subterranean ceremonial chambers. Access: Entrance fee $5.00 Adults, $4.00 Senior 55+, $4.00 Student, and $3.00 6 and under. Located on US Hwy 60, 1 mi. w of Springerville; Guided tours (leaving from the museum daily at 9:00 a.m. 11:00 a.m. and 2:00 p.m.) Information: Visitor's Center at 318 E. Main Street in Springerville (928-333-5375) malpais@cybertrails.com

ELDEN RUINS

Principal Ruins at Eldin are a small pueblo (60-70 rooms) occupied 1100 AD to 1250 AD.

The rins are located on US Hwy 89, 1.5 miles north of its interchange on I-40 near Flagstaff.

GRAND CANYON
NATIONAL PARK
{Anasazi}

Tusayan ruin (small pueblo and museum on South Rim); Walhalla ruin (North Rim); other GCNP sites in the Canyon.

Access: $10/vehicle entrance into the Park. Tusayan ruin is 22 mi. E of Grand Canyon Village.

Information: Superintendent, Grand Canyon National Park, P.O. Box 129, Grand Canyon, AZ 86023. Phone (928) 638-7888.

HOMOLOVI RUINS
STATE PARK

Homolovi Ruins State Park now serves as a center of research for the late migration period of the Hopi from the 1200's to the late 1300's. While archaeologists study the sites and confer with the Hopi to unravel the history of Homolovi, Arizona State Parks provides the opportunity for visitors to visit the sites and use park facilities including a visitor center and museum, various trails and a campground. Here there are around 300 small ruins in 4 groups. Also petroglyphs. Access: $3/vehicle. Off SR 87, north of Winslow. Information: Visitor's center/museum
(928) 289-4106

KINISHBA RUINS

Kinishba is a partially restored village inhabited approx. 1050-1350.

Access: 7 miles west of Whiteriver via dirt road

Status Update: "The Kinishba site, while in the process of being restored after the excavations, has fallen due to lack of funds. The site, though still somewhat recognizeable, has fallen into complete disarray and at this time is not being maintained for any purpose whatsoever."

MONTEZUMA CASTLE NATIONAL MONUMENT

Principal Ruins: Montezuma Castle (20-room, 5-story cliff dwelling) and a few others. Also Montezuma Well (11mi. ne) - a large limestone sinkhole rimmed by pueblos and cliff dwellings.

Access: $2/vehicle for Montezuma Castle; No fee for Well. Open 8am-7pm (June-Aug.), 8am-5pm (Sept.-May)

Information: Visitor's Center
Phone (928) 567-3597

PAINTED ROCKS PARK {Hohokam} (40 mi. w of Gila Bend, AZ)

Principal Ruins: over 750 petroglyph images; no ruins.

Access: Located 30 mi. w of Gila Bend via I-8 to Painted Rocks exit, then 15 miles further.

PALATKI ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE

Palatki means "red house" in the Hopi language, but this ruin actually housed many different cultures among them archaic people from 3000-6000 years ago, the Sinagua, the Yavapai, and Apache nations. Here you will find one of the finest and most extensive collections of rock art in the area. The park rangers are very well-informed and you'll get more of an education here than in any of the other sites I've visited to date.

A small visitor center and bookstore. Rest facilities and water are available. There is no handicapped access to any of the sites.

Access: You need to go into the Sedona Cultural Park Information Center to make reservations. They are free but you must purchase a Red Rock Pass $5.00 for the day. I believe the limit was 27 cars. Site interpreters at the ruin and the rock art keep track with radios of people at each site along with the person at the house.

Information: Important phone numbers are Reservation Information (928)204-5818; Red Rock Ranger Station (928)282-4119;
Palatki Red Cliffs (928)282-3854.

NAVAJO NATIONAL MONUMENT
{Anasazi}

 Betatakin Area, Keet Seel Area (best preserved cliff dwellings in Arizona)

The "ruins" at Keet Seel [sits'il] are only accessible by an all day horse trip or 2 day hike. Keet Seel ("broken pottery" in Navaho [diné bizaad]) was occupied for much longer than was Betatakin [Bitát'ahkin]. Tree-ring dating and pottery found below the ruin show that the Anasazi (ancient people or ancestors [ánaasází]) lived here as early as AD 950. Those early houses are completely gone, but their stones and timbers were reused in the final village built here about 1250. Unlike [Bitát'ahkin], where the inhabitants apparently came as a group, Keet Seel was a place of random arrivals and departures. There are even more kivas here than at [Bitát'ahkin] and more variation in room design and construction, indicating that different groups built the two villages. About 1300 the Keet Seel residence too began leaving, but not in a hurry. They sealed many doorways, perhaps hoping to return someday.

Access: No fee. Headquarters 9 miles off US Hwy 160 on SR 564 (within Navajo Reservation). Betatakin ruin is 2.5 mile hike (strenuous, ranger led 10am daily?) from Hdqtrs or can be viewed from Betatakin Point. Keet Seel area is 8 mile hike (or via horseback) from Hdqtrs (schedules vary; reservations required). Information: Visitor's Center open 8am-6pm (May-Sept.), 8-4:30 other times.

Contact Superintendent, Navajo National Monument, HC-71, Box 3, Tonalea, AZ 86044-9704. Phone (928) 672-2700. In 1961, a Navajo Tribal Museum was established in a small building on the Window Rock Tribal Fairgrounds. In 1982, it moved to the back room of an arts and crafts store. In 1997, a $7 million dollar permanent home was finally built to store the Navajo artifacts.

PETRIFIED FOREST NATIONAL PARK

Ancestral Pueblo People began moving out of their pit houses here into above-ground villages near their crops by about 950 A.D. People began to make corrugated and decorated pottery. Trade brought new items and ideas to the region. Artifacts link park sites to Homol’ovi, Flagstaff, the Hopi Mesas, Gallup, and Zuni areas. Many petroglyphs were made throughout the region, including solar markers and katsina figures. The population began to aggregate into larger communities, with over a hundred rooms, kivas, and frequently a plaza, located along major drainages or near springs. After the end of the 14th century, the ancestral Puebloans left most of the villages within the park.

Puerco ruins (pueblo ruins); also collection of petroglyphs nearby. Access: $5/vehicle for entrance into Park Information: Superintendent, Petrifed Forest National Park, Petrified Forest, AZ 86028. Phone (928) 524-6228.

TUZIGOOT NATIONAL MONUMENT

Tuzigoot is an ancient village or pueblo built by a culture known as the Sinagua. The pueblo consisted of 110 rooms including second and third story structures. The first buildings were built around A.D. 1000. The Sinagua were agriculturalists with trade connections that spanned hundreds of miles. The people left the area around 1400. The site is currently comprised of 42 acres.

The Monument is located just north of Clarkdale, Arizona. The park is 52 miles south of Flagstaff, Arizona via U.S. Alternate Highway 89A, or 90 miles north of Phoenix. Travel Interstate Highway 17, take Exit 287 and travel west on Highway 260 to Cottonwood. In Cottonwood take Main Street north towards Clarkdale.

Access: $2/person, open 8am-7pm (June-Aug.), 8-5 (rest of year) Information: (928) 634-5564.

V-Bar-V Ranch Petroglyph Site (near Sedona, AZ, 1,032 individual petroglyphs in seven panels.)

Access: 2.8 mi. from the Sedona Interchange (Exit 298) on Interstate 17. Entrance Fee $3/person, open 9:30 am-4:30 pm every day, guided tours offered during these hours.

Information: Sedona Ranger District Station, 250 Brewer Road, Sedona. Phone (520) 282-4119.

Walnut Canyon
National Monument

The ruins are located off exit 204 on I-40 then 3 miles south on a short spur road. It is 98 miles from the south rim of the Grand Canyon and 12 miles from Flagstaff. It is a 400 foot deep gorge with over 300 cliff dwellings once inhabited by the Sinagua Indians in 1000 to 1200 A.D. There is a visitor center with a small museum that is on the cliff edge with panoramic views east and west. Two trails include the flat 0.7 mile Rim Trail, which goes along the canyon rim and passes a few ruins. The 0.9 mile Island Trail Loop descends 185 feet by 240 steps and passes several cliff dwellings with views of other ruins in the opposing cliffs.

You can step inside the dwellings to get a feel for how the inhabitants lived.Walnut Canyon National Monument is open year-round except Thanksgiving and Christmas Day. The hours are 8 a.m. to 5 p.m. every day of the week. For more information contact: Superintendent, Walnut Canyon National Monument, Walnut Canyon Road, Flagstaff, Arizona 86004 (Phone 1-928-526-3367 or FAX 1-928-527-4259).

WHITE MOUNTAIN ARCHAEOLOGICAL CENTER

 Raven Site (2 pueblos with 800 rooms and 2 kivas) dating from 1000-1450 A.D. [Are these Mogollon?] Access: 12 mi. n or Springerville, AZ on US 180/666 then e on Springerville Generating Station Rd., then .5 mi. s on gravel road. Walking tour $3/adult. One-day excavation fee $42/adult.

Information: White Mountain Archeological Center, HC 30, St. Johns, AZ 85936. Phone (928) 335-5857.

ROMERO RUINS, CATALINA STATE PARK

More than 1,500 years ago, a small Hohokam village was established on a ridge above Sutherland Wash, now within Catalina State Park. Now called Romero Ruin, it is one of several large Hohokam villages in the Tucson Basin. It was occupied for about 1,000 years before being abandoned about 1500AD.

This village covers 15 acres, spans the entire width of the ridge and extends about 1/4 miles to the base of the Catalina Mountains. This was an extensive prehistoric occupation as indicated by the presence of numerous trash mounds, two ballcourts and the remains of stone structures still visible on the surface.

The park is located on State Hwy. 77 (Oracle Road) at mile marker 81, just 9 miles north of Tucson and 6 miles north of Ina Road. Download a directional map.

Open 365 days a year. Day-use hours are 5:00a.m. to 10:00p.m. Visitor Center hours are 8:00a.m. to 5:00p.m. Checkout time for overnight campers is 2:00p.m. For more information call(520) 628-5798

BESH-BA-GOWAH ARCHAEOLOGICAL PARK

Besh-Ba-Gowah is an ancient ruin unlike the others. Here you are encouraged to walk within the rooms of this 700 year old pueblo, climb ladders into the upper stories, and see the utensils, pottery and furbishing that was part of life in pre-Columbian times. Besh-Ba-Gowah comes from the Western Apache phrase meaning "place of metal" or "place of hard rock."

The Besh-Ba-Gowah Museum displays a variety of the artifacts that were excavated from the site. The museum houses one of the largest single collection of Salado pottery as well as tools, clothing and other artifacts. A ethnobotanical garden on the grounds illustrates how native plants were used by the Salado in their daily life.

From Apache Junction take U.S. Highway 60 through Globe by following the signs to the Broad Street exit. Make a right turn onto Jess Hayes Road. Besh-Ba-Gowah is on the right on Jess Hayes Rd.

 Call the Greater Globe-Miami Chamber of Commerce, (520) 425-4495, or contact the museum at (520 ) 425-0320.

WUPATKI NATIONAL MONUMENT

 Wupatki ("Large House") ruin containing more than 100 rooms. Also a ceremonial amphitheater. Also Citadel, Nalakihu, Lomaki and 3-story Wukoki ruins, all inhabited from 1100-1225.

Access: 35 miles northeast of Flagstaff off Hwy. 89. Entrance fee $4/vehicle (includes entrance to Sunset Crater Volcano National Monument). Self-guiding trails.

Information: Visitor's Center open 8am-6pm (June-Aug.); 8am-5pm (rest of year). Contact Superintendent, Wupatki National Monument, 2717 N. Steves Blvd., Suite #3, Flagstaff, AZ 86004. Phone (928) 526-1157

CASA GRANDE RUINS NATIONAL MONUMENT

Casa Grande Ruins National Monument preserves the remains of an ancient Hohokam farming village as well as the enigmatic GREAT HOUSE the Hohokam are best known for their sophisticated agriculture. They were the first southwestern farmers to use irrigation, digging gravity fed canals along the Gila and Salt Rivers. More than 300 miles of canals have been discovered carrying water from the Salt River to fields as far as 20 miles away.

The park is in Coolidge, Arizona, about an hour Southeast of Phoenix. From I-10 take Coolidge exits and follow the signs to the parks entrance off Ariz. Rte. 87/287. From Apache Junction take U.S. 60/89 to Florence Junction, then Ariz. Rte 287 to the Coolidge turn off ,Ariz. Rte 87, follow signs to the ruins. (about a 45 min drive from Apache Junction ). For more information call the visitors center at (520) 723-3172.The park is open from 8 a.m. to 5 p.m. daily, closed December 25.

PUEBLO GRANDE RUIN AND MUSEUM

PUEBLO GRANDE is a large village site dominated by a platform mound. This is the only platform mound to have survived today out of 25 such mounds scattered along the Salt River approximately every 3 miles.

The total extent of the Pueblo Grande village site is approximately 500 acres or a mile square. This village was occupied for a thousand years from A.D. 450 to A.D. 1450 and had a population of approximately 1500 people. Besides the platform mound the site also contains three ballcourts and a "Big House" similar to that at Casa Grande in Coolidge, AZ. Unfortunately, the "Big House" and the largest ball court have been destroyed since the settlement of Phoenix. In addition to the larger more impressive features of the site, there were at least 121 pithouses, 3 trash mounds (middens), several HORNOS (ovens), and numerous pits possibly used for storage. Pueblo Grande Museum and cultural park are located in Phoenix,Arizona at 4619 East Washington Street. For information call ( 602 ) 495-0901. HOURS: Monday - Saturday, 9 a.m. to 4:45 p.m Sunday, 1 p.m. to 4:45 p.m.
( Sundays are Free )

HIEROGLYPHIC CANYON

Hieroglyphic Canyon is located in the Superstition Mountain Wilderness area east of Apache Junction. The hike is rated easy, 5.4 miles round trip. At the end of the trail, hikers will see a variety of pictures pecked into the rock surface. completed in 1997.

In territorial days, early miners and cowboys erroneously called these markings hieroglyphics. Archaeologists now refer to these designs as petroglyphs. They are by far the most common form of "rock art". LOCATION: There is no official trailhead for Hieroglyphic Trail. To get there, drive East from Apache Junction on U.S. Highway 60 to King's Ranch Road. Follow King's Ranch Road to Baseline. From there, you will need to cross private land, although future access will be legitimate on the new Goldmine Trailway, which is projected to be
According to "Hikers Guide to the Superstition Wilderness" written by Jack Carlson and Elizabeth Stewart, access to the canyon is as follows: Park on the southwest corner of King's Ranch Road and Baseline Avenue before the cattle guard, then walk east along the south side of the fence. Follow the dirt track east across private property for 0.5 miles to the State Trust Land fence. You must crawl through the fence, then turn left (north) and follow the well-worn trail, again keeping the fence on your left until you reach the wooden gate at the Wilderness boundary.Visitors are advised to wear sturdy shoes and comfortable clothing on the hike. A canteen with a minimum of one quart of water is also recommended

KEET SEALS INDIAN RUINS Four Corners Arizona

The ruins at Keet Seel [sits'il] are only accessible by an all day horse trip or 2 day hike. Keet Seel ("broken pottery" in Navaho [diné bizaad]) was occupied for much longer than was Betatakin [Bitát'ahkin]. Tree-ring dating and pottery found below the ruin show that the Anasazi (ancient people or ancestors [ánaasází]) lived here as early as AD 950. Those early houses are completely gone, but their stones and timbers were reused in the final village built here about 1250. Unlike [Bitát'ahkin], where the inhabitants apparently came as a group, Keet Seel was a place of random arrivals and departures. There are even more kivas here than at [Bitát'ahkin] and more variation in room design and construction, indicating that different groups built the two villages.

ARCHAEOLOGY MUSEUMS
(Note that what seems to be so few archaeology museums in a state with so rich in prehistoric cultures is more made up by the plethera of exhibit complexes, indoors and outdoors, at developed archaeological sites)

ARIZONA STATE MUSEUM,
University of Arizona Campus, Tucson

ASM holds the world’s largest whole-vessel collection of Southwest Indian pottery (20,000 specimens); conservation of which is an official project of Save America’s Treasures, a White House preservation initiative.

Houses over 150,000 catalogued archaeological and ethnographic artifacts, a quarter of a million photographic negatives and original prints, and 70,000 volumes including many rare and hard-to-find titles. Curates the artifacts used by pioneering archaeologists to define the Mogollon and Hohokam cultures, as well as the Salado phenomenon.

SMOKIE MUSEUM,
PrescottThe ethnographic collections include clothing, ornaments and ceremonial paraphernalia from the Sioux, Apache and Woodland Indians. The extensive collection of baskets on display are from the local Yavapai, Apache, Pima, Tohono O'odham and Seri tribes and various California tribes. Examples of weapons on display include Apache bow and arrow sets, quivers, a Yaqui bow and arrow set and a bow case. More than 100 kachinas and numerous original ceramic vessels round out the ethnographic holdings as well as a significant collection of ancient artifacts.

ARIZONA-SONORA DESERT MUSEUM:
NOT ONE OF MY FAVORITE PLACES TO VISIT; LITTLE ARCHAEOLOGY, BUT THE EARTH SCIENCE MUSEUM TOUCHES ON PREHISTORIC MAN AND THE EXHIBIT OF THE DINOSAUR SONORASAURS IS WORTH SEEING. WHEN PALEONTOLOGIST FOR THIS MUSEUM, I LED THE MASSIVE EXPEDITION TO COLLECT THIS SKELETON. THIS DINOSAUR WILL MOST LIKELY END UP AT THE MESA SOUTHWEST MUSEUM, IN MESA ,ARIZONA. (SEE THE STORY OF THIS SPECIMEN IN THE FOSSIL SECTION OF THIS WEBSITE.

MUSEUM OF NORTHERN ARIZONA,
University of Northern Arizona Campus, Flagstaff AZ

Many visitors to the Grand Canyon and the northern Arizona region are interested in the unique cultures, such as the Hopi, Navajo, Zuni, and other Native American tribes that live on the Colorado Plateau. The Museum's award-winning permanent anthropology exhibit, Native Peoples of the Colorado Plateau, documents 12,000 years of occupation in the region. The Ethnology Gallery enlightens visitors about the daily lives of tribes today, many of whom balance traditional lifestyles with jobs and activities outside their reservations. A Hopi Kiva Room and Jewelry Gallery offer additional insight into the daily lives of these peoples and a chance to see the magnificent artwork they create

AMERIND FOUNDATION:
This archaeological research foundation and museum, founded in 1937 by William S. Fulton, displays artifacts of prehistoric American Indian cultures as well as historic exhibits of Plains Indian beadwork and costumes, masks, shields, weapons and children's toys. The Amerind is located at Dragoon, between Benson and Willcox. Take exit 318 off Interstate 10 and drive east one mile to the Amerind Foundation turnoff. Turn left at the entrance sign.

Amerind year-round hours are Tuesday through Sunday, 10 a.m. to 4 p.m. (closed Mondays). Closed for all major holidays.

MESA SOUTHWEST MUSEUM:
SIMPLY OUTSTANDING!!! Probably the best natural history/historical/archaeological and paleontological museums in the country. Lots of fabulous exhibits spanning 500 million years, and plenty of opportunity for volunteering in different aspects of the museum, research and field work.
TUCSON MINERAL AND GEM WORLD (AN INCREDIBLE STORE THAT MIGHT AS WELL BE A MUSEUM.
This quaint-appearing venue nestled in the beautiful Tucson Mountains on the road to the Arizona-Sonora Desert Museum and Old Tucson Famous Movie Studios gives visitors not only a chance to see some really incredible ancient items, but unlike a true museum, you can take them home with you. There are over 100,000 specimens on display, and there is a gallery of really special ancient artifacts. Many Hohokam and Anasazi artifacts are for sale, as well as ancient items from every corner of the earth from Paleolithic stone axes to sling stones from the time of Christ. Call (602) 883-0682 for information or visit their website at
http:// www.tucsonmineral.com

PETROGLYPHS VS PICTOGRAPH

(Sometimes they appear more like Alien vs Predator)

Petroglyphs and pictographs represent two distinctive methods for producing rock art. Petroglyphs are carved or pecked into an exposed rock surface, while pictographs are painted onto those surfaces. The two methods require different materials and the creation of petroglyphs obviously requires considerably more time and effort. Perhaps for this reason, pictographs far outnumber petroglyphs in our archeological site records.

PETROGLYPGH:Rock carving or rock "art" made by "pecking" the surface with another rock.
PICTOGRAPH: Pictures or picture-like symbols that represent an idea or tell a story. Pictographs can be found in the works of many ancient cultures on papyrus or wood, on cloth, on pottery and jewelry, painted on walls.
IS IT REALLY AN ARTIFACT?

Searching and finding artifacts is not as difficult as some people believe. An Artifact is any object made or modified by a human culture, and later recovered by an archaeological endeavor. If you imagine how many people have inhabited Arizona for the past 10,000 or more years, you can envision how much stuff, artifacts, were made only to be lost, discarded, our buried intentionally or by the natural accumulation of sediments. Most artifacts remain buried, but a vast number of them continually erode from the sediments to appear on the surface. The process is multiplied because archaeological sites often deflate, that is as soil is stripped away, more recent artifacts mix or combine with older specimens below, and both appear together on the ground’s surface. This is a problem for archaeologists who must separate items from different phases of a cultures or an entirely different culture. For the avocational archaeologist, the collector, finding an artifact is important and sorting out cultural affinities can be sorted out in due time. First, a collector needs to separate what is natural from an actual artifact (some natural objects appear to be modified by human hands).

Patina (the thin “skin” of certain stone artifact produced by great age when surface is slightly hydrated and discolored by mineral saturated moisture) is a near guarantee of antiquity. A patina is highly valued by archaeologists and collectors as a tool, and in certain cases an artifact can be dated by the thickness of this altered (and darkened) surface. To hold an object in your hands and know it's old is to have a globally different that holding a similar, modern object. The process of patination can be abbreviated or faked so beware; the favored approach is to rub the stone daily with bare hands for a period of thirty to fifty years; the oils of the hand give the stone a glow that appears to pervade or saturate it. Of course this is an illusion. Look for any small, fresh chip and observe, in a real arrowhead, for example, and see if the patina has a thickness.
Most often, stone artifacts are most commonly preserved and there are both obvious and subtle signs that show the difference between “worked” and “un-worked” stone, an artifact. The following are the features on stone that I teach new avocational collections to look for on stone.
Core: A core is any piece of material that has had flakes removed from it. Thus, a core could be used only as a source of sharp flakes, as in this example. At other times, cores themselves might also be made into tools, in which case the resulting tool is called a core tool.
Flake: A flake is any material removed from a core, whether intentional or not. In some cases, the flakes themselves were meant to serve as tools. In other cases, the flake is further modified to make a tool. At other times, the flakes may just be the waste material from shaping, thinning, or re-sharpening a stone tool. This waste material is called debitage, and is one of the most important collections of lithic material that archaeologists study. By studying the waste flakes and failures, we can actually reconstruct the prehistoric production technology and gain valuable insight into an important component of prehistoric human behavior.
Flake Scar: The flake scar is the concave surface left on a core after a flake has been removed from it. The flake scar will show the reverse image of the bulb of percussion on the flake, and will also exhibit ripples on occasion. The flake scar is equivalent to the hole left in the window pane from our last example.
Cortex: The cortex of a core or flake is the weathered, outer surface of the rock. Archaeologists often examine flakes to determine the amount of cortex on them in order to gauge the stage of manufacture and the degree to which cores were being used to exhaustion.
Striking Platform: The striking platform is the prepared surface on both the flake and the core where the blow that detached the flake was struck. Striking platforms will have different characteristics depending on the technique that was used to remove the flake. For example, on this flake and core, the striking platform has only one surface, and is quite wide, indicating that the flintknapper wanted to detach a large, thick flake. The platform will often have half of a ring fracture right at the exact point where the detaching blow was struck.
Errailure: The errailure is a French term denoting a subsidiary flake scar on the bulb of percussion of a flake. These scars occur as a result of excessive force being applied in the removal of the flake. The bulb of percussion is compressed so much that its elastic response is violent enough to cast secondary flakes off of itself.
Bulb of Percussion: The bulb of percussion is the conic section resulting from the fracturing of the rock. Depending on the amount of force in the detaching blow, the bulb of percussion can be very pronounced. The bulb is the result of the compression of the rock due to impact, and it is the elastic rebound from this compression that actually detaches the flake from the core.
Ripples: Ripples can often be observed on flakes made of obsidian and other very fine-grained materials. These radiating waves in the stone are actually deformations of the rock resulting from the shock wave that accompanied the detaching blow. They look like frozen ripples on a pond after a pebble has been tossed into it.
Hatchure Lines: Hatchure lines occur in flakes where extreme force was used in their removal from the core. The lines are actually hairline cracks resulting from interference shock waves bouncing around within the rock before the flake actually detaches itself. In the most extreme cases, these interfering shock waves can actually cause the flake to shatter as it is being detached.
WASTE NOT, WANT NOT: FRAGMENTS CALLED 'WASTE FLAKES' WERE NOT ALWAYS DISCARDED. THESE SMALL, RAZOR SHARP FRAGMENTS LEFT OVER FROM TOOL MAKING WERE OFTEN USED AS SMALL KNIVES. THEY ARE COMMON ON MOST ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES.
FROM ROCK TO RELIC: ILLUSTRATION SHOWING FEATURES MADE DURING THE PROCESS OF BEGINNING TO MANUFACTURE A STONE TOOL.
DEADLY BEAUTIES: THIS PHOTO SHOWS THE ULTIMATE IN THE PREHISTORIC STONE WORKERS CRAFT. ARROWHEADS LIKE THESE ARE BOTH BEAUTIFUL AND DEADLY WHEN LASHED TO AN ARROW OR SPEAR.
ANSWERS TO MOST
COMMON QUESTIONS I'VE RECEIVED

(Actual legislation follows this discussion)
Is it legal to collect artifacts? Yes, with some restrictions. It is legal to collect artifacts from the surface of private property, with permission of the landowner. Be sure not to trespass.
What are the restrictions? One cannot collect human skeletal remains or burial objects. Any discovery or exposure of human remains must be reported to a local law enforcement office .
Is it ever legal to surface collect artifacts on federal lands? No, unless you are a professional researcher (archeologist) working for a federal agency or you have an ARPA permit to collect . However, a provision of ARPA allows the collection of arrowheads from the surface. To be sure, check with the agency managing the land you want to collect.
Is it ever legal to surface collect on state lands? No, unless you are a professional researcher (archeologist) working for a state agency or you have a state permit to collect artifacts.
Is it ever legal to metal detect for artifacts? Yes, with restrictions. You cannot metal detect on state or federal lands without a permit. For archaeological or historical sites on private property, you must have the landowners written permission and have notified the Georgia Department of Natural Resources in writing five business days before the collecting begins.
Is my private artifact collection legal? Can it be confiscated? Can I display it publicly? Generally, it is legal to own and display an Indian artifact collection. It is illegal to display any portion of the skeleton of an Indian and it is illegal to buy, sell and trade, import, or export Indian burial, sacred, or cultural objects.
Is it illegal to own skeletal remains? It is unlawful to receive, retain, dispose of, or possess any bodily part of a human knowing it to have been removed unlawfully. It is illegal to wantonly or maliciously excavate or disturb a burial, and it is illegal to display Indian remains in public.
Is it legal to own burial objects? It is legal for individuals (not museums) to own burial objects that were obtained legally, that is, those that were obtained by not violating laws against digging on sites, collecting on private lands or disturbing graves.

Surface Collecting Code of Ethics

The first step in putting archaeology back into collecting is adhering to a set of guidelines that govern a basic level of ethical behavior for the hobby. There are several sets of laws that regulate and govern the hobby. It is your responsibility and the responsibility of the hobby as a whole to adhere to the State and Federal regulations.
1. Remember, collecting artifacts on public lands is illegal. This includes ALL state and federally owned lands such as state parks, preserves, forests, and BLM land.
2. If human remains are discovered or suspected, contact local law authorities (coroner, police).
3. Secure permission from landowners and be up front about your reason for wanting to gain access to privately owned lands.
4. Keep records of all finds.
5. DON'T DIG! If you want to dig, enroll in a supervised field school, learn how to excavate properly, and volunteer your services to a professional.
6. Leave the property in the same or better condition than you found it.
7. Let the landowner know when you are coming and going, and keep the permission to access and collect between yourselves.
8. Share your finds with the professional community whenever possible. Join your state sponsored avocational groups in addition to your local/regional artifact collector groups.
9. Report sites. Neither the State, universities, museums, or Feds have the right to confiscate a collection from, force an excavation on, or prevent you from farming or using private lands if there is an archaeological site present. This is a common misconception. About the only situation that may involve land-use restrictions is the presence of human burials.
10. If you buy and sell artifacts think about the potential repercussions of this. Fakes are a big problem; you are taking a chance when you buy an item you didn't find yourself.

THE LAW

(MOST LAWS CONCERNING ARCHAEOLOGY ARE BASED ON GOOD INTENTIONS, BUT MANY ARE ENFORCED BY OVER-ZEALOUS PROSECUTORS BOLSTERED BY OVER-ZEALOUS ARCHAEOLOGISTS AND HAVE DONE MORE HARM THAN GOOD. SOME LAWS ARE JUST SIMPLY WRONG, SUCH AS THE INDIAN REPATRIATION ACT

Antiquities Act, 1906

1906, Antiquities Act: It protects all historic and prehistoric sites on Federal lands and prohibits excavation or destruction of such antiquities unless a permit (Antiquities Permit) is obtained from the Secretary of the department which has the jurisdiction over those lands. It also authorizes the President to declare areas of public lands as National Monuments and to reserve or accept private lands for that purpose.

National Historic Preservation Act of 1966

1966, National Historic Preservation Act: This act supplements the provisions of the Antiquities Act of 1906. The law makes it illegal to destroy, excavate or remove information from Federal or Indian lands any archeological resources without a permit from the land manager. Permits may be issued only to educational or scientific institutions and only if the resulting activities will increase knowledge about archeological resources. Regulations for the ultimate disposition of materials recovered as a result of permitted activities state that archeological resources excavated on public lands remain the property of the United States. Archeological resources excavated from Indian lands remain the property of the Indian or Indian tribe having rights of ownership over such resources.

Archaeological Resources Protection Act

1979, Archaeological Resources Protection Act: Requires Federal agencies to provide notice to the Secretary of the Interior of any dam constructions and, if archeological resources are found, for recovery or salvage of them. The law applies to any agency whenever it received information that a direct or federally assisted activity could cause irreparable harm to prehistoric, historic, or archaeological data. Increases the penalty for stealing or vandalizing to $500,000 and up to five years in prison.

The Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) is a United States federal law passed in 1990 requiring federal agencies and institutions that receive federal funding[1] to return Native American cultural items to their respective peoples. The act allows archeological teams a short time for analysis before the remains must be returned. Cultural items include human remains, funerary objects, sacred objects, and objects of cultural patrimony. Consequently, this legislation also applies to many Native American artifacts, especially burial items and religious artifacts. It has necessitated massive cataloguing of the Native American collections in order to identify the living heirs, culturally affiliated Indian tribes, and Native Hawaiian organizations of remains and artifacts.

NOTE: REPATRIATION OF INDIAN ARTIFACTS IS JUST WRONG

It is important for the public to know one fact about the American Indian Repatriation Act, one that has received less public attention, states that, from now on, goods found in excavations on federal or tribal land belong to whatever American Indian group can lay claim to the objects. What makes the situation particularly vexing is that many of the bones in museum and anthropology-department collections are thousands of years old; their connections to 20th-century Indian tribes are tenuous at best. Yet in today's political climate, the benefit of the doubt in a disputed claim is usually given to the tribe. Museums in particular are suffering greatly by Tribal demands to have irreplaceable archaeological collections returned. Most of the time, these tribes cannot substantiate any ties with the artifacts in question.

GRAVE ROBBING IS BOTH IMMORAL AND ILLEGAL. BESIDES, YOU MAY SUFFER THE WRATH OF T-RAT
Another interesting and alarming fact, and a quietly whispered anger among archaeologists, is that once ceremonial artifacts are repatriated back to tribes it is not infrequent that these same artifacts are sold to Indian artifact dealers and collectors. So much for reclaiming a sacred heritage.

COMING SOON

PHOTO INDEX OF ARIZONA PREHISTORIC POTTERY

Click Next to PREHISTORIC PROJECTILE POINTS